By James Dawes
The Language of War examines the connection among language and violence, targeting American literature from the Civil battle, global conflict I, and global battle II. James Dawes proceeds via constructing basic questions: How does the strategic violence of conflict impact literary, felony, and philosophical representations? And, in flip, how do such representations have an effect on the reception and initiation of violence itself? Authors and texts of valuable significance during this far-reaching learn variety from Louisa may possibly Alcott and William James to William Faulkner, the Geneva Conventions, and modern American organizational sociology and language theory.
The consensus process in literary experiences over the last 20 years has been to regard language as an extension of violence. the concept there could be an inverse relation among language and violence, says Dawes, has all too infrequently encouraged the dominant voices in literary reports at the present time. this is often an formidable venture that not just makes a significant contribution to American literary background, but additionally demanding situations a few of the major theoretical assumptions of our day.
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Additional info for The Language of War: Literature and Culture in the U.S. from the Civil War through World War II
The relationship’s relationships with the circle and sq. also are both anything or not anything: if whatever, their relationships with the circle, the sq., and the connection also needs to be anything. the easy advanced quick generates an “infinite strategy. ” via numerical accumulation shareable which means is without end deferred. fact, writes Bradley, “is left bare and with out a personality, and we're lined with confusion. ”1 For American philosophers after the Civil battle, Bradley’s paradox used to be a resource of important nervousness. How may perhaps one offer a philo- Counting at the Battlefield • 25 sophical origin for the idea that of union? How may one supply a coherent account of the way the various continue from and are introduced jointly within the one? William James spoke back with an competitive disquisition critiquing philosophical “principles of disunion,” whereas Josiah Royce invoked the imaginative and prescient of an infinitely entire but completely unified nationwide map. 2 The philosophical dissension surrounding Bradley’s smart, summary puzzle and the problems it represented used to be the epiphenomenon of a extra pervasive and basic cultural nervousness. After the Civil struggle, huge, hugely centralized firms more and more started to outline the lives of people. In 1868 the Fourteenth modification was once ratified, endowing all former slaves with the protections that inhered in citizenship. 5 years later in an immense dissent to the Slaughterhouse situations, and in a sequence of tax situations that undefined, Justice Stephen box used the modification because the felony premise for granting to organisations pick out rights and protections of personhood, thereby expanding the level of company immunity to country rules and facilitating the force in the USA towards the bureaucratization of the commercial sphere. three by means of the top of the 19th century, formerly neighborhood or communal identities intersected on a number of planes with the forces of growth and integration, with mass political events, railroads, nationwide communique networks, an aggressively centralized govt, nationwide fraternal corporations, and different huge organizations. four The proliferation of those organizational codecs coincided with the increase of information as an epistemological framework. “By the mid-nineteenth century,” writes one pupil, “the status of quantification used to be within the ascendant. Counting used to be presumed to boost wisdom, simply because wisdom was once composed of proof and counting resulted in the main trustworthy and target kind of truth there has been, the tough quantity . . . Counting used to be an lead to itself; it wanted no additional justification. ”5 Ian Hacking strains America’s enthusiasm for numerical facts within the evolution of its census. the 1st American census, he notes, “asked 4 questions of every household,” whereas the 10th decennial census posed 13,010 questions about numerous schedules addressed to contributors and institutions—a 3,000-fold raise in revealed numbers. 6 the folks had all started to consider itself as a inhabitants, a statistical workforce composed of different types and kinds.